Dr. Jean-Claude Larchet is a French
Orthodox researcher who is one of the foremost Orthodox Patristics
scholars writing today. Born in 1949, Dr. Larchet holds doctorates
in philosophy (1987) and theology (1994) from the University of
Strasbourg. He is one of the very few contemporary authors who is
able seamlessly to combine rigorous scholarship with a vibrant sense
of the inner life of the Church. His prolific writings on the
spirituality of the Fathers of the Church have been translated into
no less than 12 languages. Dr. Larchet converted to the Orthodox
Church from the Roman Catholic Church at the age of 21.
***********************************************************
INTRODUCTION
Regardless
of historical period
or the
nature of the society involved, mental illness has been always with
us. And even within any given society one often finds contradictory
attitudes taken towards the insane. Some view these unfortunates as
messengers from above, as mediators between man and God, and hence
worthy of respect and veneration, even elevating them to the
function of priest or the dignity of prophet; others consider them
less than human, as the associates or slaves of evil powers, as
individuals to be persecuted, avoided, and even imprisoned or
physically eliminated.
At the
same time, the nature and cause of what we like to call 'mental
illness' have always posed tremendous difficulties. They raise many
issues with regard to their causes, their manifestations and their
origins, and these in relation to the three dimensions of the human
being—physical, psychic and spiritual—and all this in a much more
pressing manner than with those illnesses primarily affecting the
body.
It is rare
that all three dimensions are taken into consideration by those who
have attempted to explain these problems, and, in examining the
history of psychiatry (as usually understood), even those doing so
have had great difficulty in integrating all three and usually end
up splitting them apart while favoring one or the other.1
Paradoxically modern psychiatry is afflicted with many internal
conflicts that result in theories and therapies that are
heterogeneous and even at times contradictory. The classical study
Manuel de psychiatrie by H. Ey, P. Pernard, and C. Brisset
delineates four basic theoretical positions: (1) organo-mechanistic
theories which consider that mental illness has an organic origin;
(2) psychodynamic theories based on unconscious pathology which hold
that these illnesses are the result of unconscious forces (Freud and
his disciples; Jung); (3) socio-psychogenic theories that consider
environmental factors of primary importance and which see mental
illness as a pathological psychological reaction to unfortunate
situations or difficulties (the Anglo-Saxon school; Pavlov) or as
the effect of traumas of communication, especially within the bosom
of the family (Bateson, Watzlawick and the Palo Alto school); (4)
organogenic dynamic theories which hold that mental illnesses are
the result of the breakdown of the psychic being which is affected
by organic factors (Jackson, Janet, Ey).
These
different outlooks are in principle mutually exclusive: the first
advocates a purely organic etiology and totally rejects
psychological and sociological factors; the second considers
psychological factors as primary and denies any fundamental role to
organic factors, though it admits the importance of certain related
factors which are held to be endogenous; the third rejects all
organic etiologies and denies any role to the unconscious. Mental
illness is seen as purely the result of exogenous factors. The
fourth excludes all such factors including the role of the
unconscious. It attributes mental illness to an organic substratum
but it denies any direct or mechanical relationship between this
substratum and symptoms. It does however recognize that dynamic
psychic forces play an essential role in the evolution of mental
illnesses.2
Even
within any given position one frequently finds considerable
variation in theory and practice, to say nothing of divergences and
even contradictions. (This is particularly true when one considers
the various psychotherapies such as Freudian or Jungian
psychoanalysis.)
In the
practical order it is clear that many psychiatrists are in practice
eclectic. Unable to show that there is any coherent manner of
understanding these illnesses, it is only to be expected that such
should be the case.
All the
different approaches to therapy claim success.3
The fact that such heterogeneous therapies, founded as they
are on a different and even contradictory theories, can have similar
results violates the logical principle of non-contradiction and
leads one to think that efficacy is the result of something other
than their specificity, such as the attention or direction given to
the patient, and such as might well occur outside of a professional
milieu.
Looking at
things from a negative point of view, one could also conclude that
the various therapies are equally ineffective, or when effective are
so only because they encounter a nature that, in such situations and
according to the ancient Hippocratic principle, is capable of
finding ways to heal itself.
Moreover,
in many cases of both neurosis and psychosis these therapies are of
little help. Psychotropic medications will act to alleviate
symptoms, but in most cases have no effect on underlying causes.
While they unquestionably act to relieve distressing symptoms, it is
often only at the cost of an internal and external inhibition and
blunting of affect that causes as much distress to the patient as
did the original illness. Many psychiatrists recognize the fact that
these medications are only adjuvants whose greatest value is to make
the patient amenable to therapies based on psychological
interventions, but such therapies are seldom used, while the
medicinal approach is rarely crowned with success. One knows that
psychoanalysis, one of the most elaborate forms of therapy currently
available, rarely cures those afflicted with psychoses, and only
attains to limited success with neuroses. Moreover, Freud never
thought that a complete healing was possible, and the majority of
psychoanalysts modestly limit their goals to assisting their
patients deal with their problems and better support their
afflictions.
The
variety of psychiatric theories available makes the definition and
classification of mental illnesses very difficult.4
Hence it
follows that there are considerable differences both between the
schools and from one country to another. Indeed, it has been
asserted that there are 'no universally accepted models of
classification.'5
The
contemporary evolution of psychiatry, far from being directed
towards unification or harmonization, tends rather to accentuate the
divergences and to concretize the differences. Take for example
"schizophrenia". In France this is a well demarcated entity while in
the Anglo-Saxon countries it embraces a much wider series of
conditions such that at times it includes almost all the psychoses.
Again, consider the distinction between psychoses and neuroses—the
classic distinction between these two large categories is often
contested, especially by the anti-psychiatric schools. When it comes
to etiology, autism provides us with an excellent example: there is
hardly an area of livelier dispute than that which exists between
those who hold to psychological verses a genetic cause.6
Even the
very idea of mental illness poses difficulties. According to the
anti-psychiatric movement that developed in the sixties, the very
idea of mental illness is a myth (Szasz), something invented by
society (Cooper), and is in fact not in any sense an illness.
Psychiatrists using the Anglo-Saxon psychoanalytic method, by
stressing the importance of social and environmental factors,
similarly tended to dissolve the concept of mental illness
(Sullivan). Michel Foucault in his Histoire de la folie à l'age
classique
7
upholds the thesis that the concept of 'mental illness' was the
result of an abusive and reductive appropriation of madness by
physicians when medicine came out of the dark ages, while previous
to that time it was also abusively identified with irrationality and
as such excluded by a socially validated and dominant mindset.
The
attitude of institutional psychiatry reflects all these
contradictions and divergences. In the actual state of affairs as
noted by Henri Ey and his collaborators 'one can only vacillate
between those who were more interested in the illness than the
patient, and those who were more interested in the patient than the
illness,8
Hospitalization itself reflected this ambiguity. When Pinel removed
the chains of the mentally ill in 1793 and began to treat the insane
as medical patients, they were no longer seen as outcasts, but
instead found themselves fettered by the law courts and asylums. On
the one hand, the hospitalization and isolation of the mentally ill
might be welcomed by those excluded from their families and society,9
but on the other hand it could also be seen as a kind of
imprisonment, and indeed, in the eyes of most people the specialized
hospital was a prison.
The
discovery of neuroleptics seems to be a means of liberation, but as
many have pointed out, this is but the substitution of a chemical
straitjacket for former methods of restraint. Unquestionably great
progress has been made in humanizing the conditions in mental
hospitals and adjusting medications on an individual basis.10
But the overwhelming influence of organogenic attitudes and their
utilization of medications often results in limiting the care of
patients to only these modalities. The psychological problems of the
mentally ill—seen as epiphenomena in the light of these theories and
attitudes—are rarely dealt with. The patient himself rarely derives
any benefit from the hospital personnel (who are often too few in
numbers and not well trained, again as a result of the above
mentioned influences), other than the distribution of medications
und the satisfaction of their material needs. The net result of the
medicalization of mental illness is that the disease rather than the
patient receives treatment. Another effect is that only the medical
doctor is considered competent to treat what is considered to be a
physico-chemical derangement No regard is given to the patient's
will and his ability to be involved in understanding and healing
himself. It is partly in response to this situation that therapeutic
communities were developed by anti-psychiatric critics in England
(Cooper, Lang), and the movement critical of psychiatry in Italy
called Psichiatria democratica (Basaglia).
The former
insists upon making the mentally ill responsible for their manner of
living and involves them in making the therapeutic decisions which
affect them, while the latter attempts to provide a totally
unrestricted environment and to integrate them as much as possible
into normal society. Unfortunately both these efforts have remained
marginal.
True,
apart from institutionalization, relations with the mentally ill are
always difficult and problematic. They always present a disturbing
element to society and their families, and above all a challenge to
established values, to the dominant concepts of normality, and hence
are a danger to the stability of those around them, especially those
whose stability may be fragile and only maintained with great
difficulty. Unquestionably the anti-psychiatry movement exaggerates
when it sees the conflicts between the mentally ill and society a
healthy reaction. But it is nevertheless true that the incarceration
of the mentally ill is a response to the will of society, family
members or groups of individuals who feel their own equilibrium and
sanity threatened. The mentally ill person is clearly and beyond
doubt 'the other', someone who is radically different and, as such,
is the 'stranger'. It is significant that in most societies he is
seen as someone who is either superhuman or subhuman (as someone
deprived of the use of reason, a faculty seen as specifically human,
or as someone 'deranged' subject to non-human forces and unable to
exercise his free will, another specifically human characteristic),
but rarely as an ordinary person.
The study
which follows is a part of a trilogy devoted to the Christian
conception of illness as found in the writings of the Church Fathers
and the lives of the eastern saints from the first to the fourteenth
century.11
It will attempt to contribute to the history of mental illness and
its treatment in a domain little studied up to now.
In view of
the many problems which current psychiatry faces, the difficulties
in understanding, the proper treatment of mental illness,(*)
and the manner in which society responds to those so afflicted, we
shall try to offer some insight into the manner in which early
Christians viewed, understood, and treated insanity, and to show the
benefits, however modest, that the thought and experience of the
early Christians can provide.
(*). We
do not wish to attach any pejorative sense to the term. We are only
following the practice of the Fathers which sometimes used the word
'illness' (see for example S. Gregory of Nazianzus, Carm. Theol.
11,28, pg 37,857A) but most often the word 'folly' (folie). This
last concept has much broader implications than the former term and
provides a better insight into their pluridimentional conceptions.
The first is more familiar to the modern reader, having been imposed
over the past two centuries of medicalization which has totally
devaluated the second. The latter has however become more acceptable
over the last 20 years as a result of the anti-psychiatric movement
and its use in the work of M. Foucault, Histoire de la folie à l'age
classique, Paris, 1972.
It goes
without saying that the social and historic context was vastly
different, and that it would be inappropriate to offer all their
ideas as being relevant and all their therapeutic practices as
models. Clearly some aspects of mediaeval medicine are no longer
tenable. Many of the ideas of Hippocrates and Galen, especially
those ideas that attempted to explain mental illness or apply
therapies based on them have long since been discarded.
It should
also be stressed that the Fathers were not overly preoccupied with
this subject and dealt with it only indirectly and intermittently.
The source material, with its many gaps and fragments, does not
provide us with as coherent, systemic, precise, and complete a view
into the subject of mental disorders as is the case with bodily and
above all spiritual illness. Also, the synthesis that we have drawn
from these sources is markedly incomplete. Despite this however,
apart from removing certain prejudices and correcting certain
misunderstandings, we feel the views of the early Fathers offer us a
variety of resources and ideas for current practice.
While
modern psychiatry by and large appears to be split up into various
schools, each holding to contradictory theories and claiming
exclusive value for their own point of view, it is interesting to
see that Christian thought developed a complex conception which
recognized three etiological categories: organic, demonic and
spiritual, and that each of these were associated with different and
specific forms of treatment. This allows us to state from the
beginning that the widespread idea among historians, namely, that
the Fathers considered all mental illness to be the result of
diabolic possession, is completely false.
While all
the schools of modern psychiatry can be seen as reductive, the
Church Fathers have the merit of embracing the three dimensions of
the human being: body, psyche, and spirit. And even though the
phenomena of insanity reflects the deepest aspects and even the most
profound values of the human being, as is admitted more and more
today, the Fathers have unfailingly seen this in terms of man's
relationship with God and as tied to the development of the entire
human being. Reference to the spiritual plane constantly informs
their understanding of illness, and it is this reference that
assures a conceptual unity and coherence, despite the diversity of
levels encompassed and despite, at first glance, the impression of
having been pieced together. From this point of view the idea that
Byzantine society only had confused notions about insanity and no
publicly recognized12
therapeutic system of treatment also seems debatable.
First of
all the Fathers were quick to recognize that some forms of mental
illness had organic causes. For these they recommended such
appropriate medical therapy as was available in their days. This
should be stressed even though their comments in this regard are
sparse and thus give the impression that their understanding was
limited. And this remains true even if the theories and practices of
medicine in their day seem primitive and have subsequently been
abandoned. On the one hand, this demonstrates how wrong is the
prejudicial view that holds that the Fathers always blamed mental
illness on supernatural causes. On the other hand this corrective
risks supporting the purely naturalistic concept of mental disease
that the organo-mechanistic concept of psychiatry holds to, and
which derives ultimately from Hippocratic medicine. Confronted with
the idea that sees mental illness as purely corporeal, the Fathers
insisted on the existence of a psychological factor. But, having
based themselves on an anthropology in which the soul, while closely
connected to the body, retains a certain independence with respect
to it, they saw mental illnesses, in cases where an organic cause
was at work, as disorders of the soul's corporeal expression more
than the soul itself. This is not unimportant since it allowed them,
in theory, to affirm and maintain the integrity of a human being,
and, in practice, to justify the absolute respect which is his due.
Secondly,
the Fathers believed in the possibility of demonic causes being
exerted on the psychic level, either directly or through the
intermediary of the body.
Such a
concept would appear shocking to those aware of the evil and
sinister attacks on witches during the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. But the beliefs and practices of the Fathers had nothing
to do with such things. The Fathers, as we will show, considered the
possessed not to be accomplices of the devil,13
but rather victims, and as such entitled to special attention and
solicitude.
The
possibility of demonic causes may appear archaic and old-fashioned.
The role of devils in the modern West is, if not ignored, a( least
greatly underestimated. And this is true even among Christians
despite the innumerable references in the Scriptures, liturgical
lexis, and Patristic writings, to say nothing of the lives of the
saints.
However,
disregarding a certain number of factors bound up with those times,
this possibility does not seem to be without value.
In the
first place, just as with previously discussed physical maladies,14
so also in mental illnesses, it should be clear from the Gospels and
the writings of the Fathers that, when diabolical causes were
considered) they were not ignorant of natural causes, as is often
maintained, since the same illnesses were explained on either
physical or diabolic grounds according to the case.
Secondly,
it should be noted that such a universally recognized scholar as
Marcel Sendrail, writing as a physician, did not hesitate to say in
his recent Histoire culturelle de la maladie15
that "current attitudes prefer to explain symptoms that are similar
in their manifestation (as for example the cases of possession
reported in the Gospels) as being due to mental illness rather than
as having any occult basis. It remains to be seen whether or not
this hypothesis is applicable in every psychopathological situation.
After two thousand years, just as the tenor of so-called clear human
thinking has changed, so too the modes of its alienation and
perversion. One would like to continue to be convinced that the
history of our own enlightened times authorizes us to deny the
possibility of evil influences playing a role in the world."16
Thirdly,
we need to recognize that, in their accounts, some of the mentally
ill mention the presence, at least at times, of a strange, inner
influence which incites them to certain thoughts, words, or deeds
against their will, and some of them present this influence as a
demonic entity which suggests clearly negative behavior with respect
to themselves and/or others, even murder or suicide. Some American
psychiatrists, troubled by the constancy and the similarity of these
recollections among individuals from vastly different socio-cultural
and even a-religious backgrounds, have been led to break with the
naturalist outlook that refuses to see in these situations anything
other than delirium. They have been led to take these manifestations
seriously and have decided as a working hypothesis to consider
demonic experiences as real, or in other words to consider them as
corresponding to an objective reality.17
Having
recorded, examined and compared the Voices' that the patients claim
to have heard, one of these psychiatrists has shown that these
'messages' are not chaotic, inconsistent or confused in nature as
might be expected from a disordered psychological state, but appear
to correspond to a defined intention which is logical, coherent and
marked by an identifiable pattern independent of the patients.18
Despite the boldness of his hypothesis, and given its purely
descriptive nature, clearly we cannot conclude from this that
demonic powers as envisioned by Christian tradition actually exist.
Yet the similarity between aspects of the pattern thus brought to
light and those that Christianity generally attributes to demonic
activity is quite striking, with an impulsive lewdness and a
relentless will to do harm being the most obvious.19
And so it is that Mgr. Chrysostomos, after reviewing the new
orientations and the latest psychiatric research concludes that:
"it seems
to me that it would be fruitful... to reassess the Patristic
cosmology of the Eastern Church and draw from it a psychological
model that can encompass the reality of demons and the effects of
demonic forces on human behavior, both normal or psychopathic."20
The
Fathers also held to a third etiology, namely mental illness
resulting from spiritual problems, generally defined as one or
another of the passions developed to an extreme. This category is
most important because it pertains to the majority of the nervous
conditions in present-day standard nosography, as well as some of
the psychoses. Thus the attitude designated by modern psychiatry the
'over-estimation' or 'hypertrophy of the self, highly accentuated in
psychotic paranoia and to a lesser degree in neurotic hysteria, and
to which many interpersonal problems—a symptom present in virtually
all neurotic states—can be linked, clearly corresponds to the pride
described by the Fathers.
In the
same category, what since Freud has been commonly called
'narcissism' likewise seems to correspond to this passion, but is
even more closely tied to the primal passion of 'philautia', the
passionate love of oneself which has the body as its primary object.
Anxiety and anguish, present in most psychoses and in all the
nervous conditions, can also be easily connected with the passions
of fear and sadness as conceived by the eastern Christian ascetics.
Aggression, also found in the majority of neurotic states and in
certain psychoses, can be connected with the passion of 'anger' in
the broader sense given to this term by the Fathers. Asthenia or
lethargy, common to many mental diseases, corresponds rather exactly
to one of the essential components of the passion of acedia. One can
also perceive a direct connection between standard neurotic phobias,
defined as 'agonizing fears', with the passion of Year'. The
neurosis of anxiety can be easily classified within the framework of
this same passion of fear and the passion of sadness. Psychotic
depression has a connection on the one hand with acedia and on the
other with 'despair,' an extreme form of the passion of sadness.
The
nosology and therapy of spiritual maladies elaborated by the Fathers
is of great interest today. First of all it represents the
cumulative experience and fruit of many generations of ascetics who
have explored the depth of the human soul and have come to a
knowledge of even its innermost recesses in great detail; at the
same time, they have spent their entire lives in mastering and
transforming the soul and have acquired a unique and remarkably
efficacious experience.
Secondly,
they envisioned man in all his complexity, taking into account the
many dimensions of his being, including the problems posed by his
very existence (especially its meaning), his overall destiny and his
relationship with God. The importance of these factors in the
etiology and therapy of mental illness has recently been
rediscovered by those involved in existential psychotherapies.21
We have
previously devoted a lengthy study to the subject of spiritual
maladies.22
As a result, we will limit ourselves in this work to merely
recalling the analysis of the passions of acedia and sadness— their
links with the various forms of depression are quite obvious and, in
recent years, have attracted the attention of some psychiatrists who
have shown themselves quite sensitive to the depth, richness and
wisdom of Patristic analysis.23
These last
mentioned illnesses have an exemplary value. All the more so as
symptoms of anxiety and depression afflict over two hundred million
individuals,24
who most often receive only chemical treatment for their illness.25
Undoubtedly some of these are organic in origin and, as such, this
therapy is justified. However, most of them, as is generally
admitted, are suffering from what is currently called 'mal de vivre'
('feeling lousy').26
In other words they suffer from existential problems which standard
psychiatry remains totally incapable of treating. It is obvious that
these problems to a great extent relate to the spiritual sphere as
envisioned by the Fathers whose nosology and therapeutic techniques
would appear to be most pertinent, for despite the fact that both
time and social context are different, they touch upon universal
dimensions of human existence, upon difficulties that afflict
everyone who desires to find a meaning for existence and to
harmonize their interior life; individuals who wish to conform their
activities to values whose disappearance, as many psychiatrists and
psychologists admit, leads to the increase of mental problems,
especially anxiety and depression.
Another
aim of this work is to present the attitude of the great saints
toward 'fools', an attitude animated in particular by the Christian
ideal of charity. This attitude seems to be of current interest in
the way of viewing the relationships of the mentally ill with their
welcome by a world where, as already pointed out, their 'odd-ness'
remains disturbing to others and most often still incurs
misunderstanding and rejection, where being confined is the only
possibility open to them, and where, even in the setting of a
specialty hospital, they are still, in most cases, considered to be
'patients’ consigned to the lot of a medical treatment seen as the
only possible remedy, a situation which in fact objectively leads to
their being considered 'chronic' and therefore abandoned.
The
concern of the Fathers, such as St Theodosius, to actively engage
the mentally ill in their own healing bears witness to the respect
and confidence afforded them. They refused to consider them as
simple patients totally subject to the therapist's control or
dependent on the results of an external therapy. These concerns are
similar to the most recent forms of treatment, and, in fact, several
aspects of their care remind us of those previously mentioned
attempts at 'therapeutic communities'.
Before
examining in detail the different etiologies recognized by the
Fathers, the therapeutic methods used by them, and their attitude
towards those afflicted with mental illness, it is absolutely
necessary to have some idea of the anthropological bases underlying
their conceptions. To be precise, we must explain the manner in
which they viewed the human psyche and its relationship to the body
as well as the spirit.
Moreover,
it seemed that we could not end this work without mentioning a very
special form of folly known to Eastern Christendom, even if it is
something that pertains to the ascetical rather than the
psychopathological realm, namely the 'fools for Christ'. And seeing
this folly simulated for spiritual ends juxtaposed with authentic
forms of madness will help us better understand the nature and the
purpose of an often misunderstood phenomenon.
A study of
'the fools for Christ' will also provide useful insights into the
manner in which insanity and the insane were viewed in Byzantine
society. As we will see, the situation was not idyllic. In this
society as in many others, the fool was an object of scorn and
rejection except for the great saints, who show us that, even in an
officially Christian society, the acceptance, respect and welcome
afforded to those who were different and weak could only be the
fruit of a self-conquest and a victory over the passions which allow
the love of men to triumph, a love owed first, according to God, to
the most destitute.
The 'fool
for Christ', a type of ascetic that has disappeared today, had an
exemplary value. One of the motivations for this was to share in
everything the conditions of the poor, the humiliated, the scorned
and the social outcast, especially the 'fool', and, by an intimate
experience of their state, to be better able to empathize with their
ills, to draw so close to their condition so as to be of greater
assistance, becoming imitators of the Apostle who said, 'I am made
weak with the weak in order to gain over the weak. I become all
things to all men, that I might save all' (1 Cor. 9:22).
ANTHROPOLOGICAL BACKGROUND: THE HUMAN COMPOSITE
BODY AND SOUL
The
Fathers often insist that the human being is neither body nor soul
in isolation, but entirely and indissociably both.
By
affirming that the body is an integral part of the very being of
man, by recognizing that the body has the same dignity as the soul,27
and by refusing to attribute to the body an origin or a destiny
different than that of the soul,28
the Fathers contradicted the spiritualist conceptions. These
conceptions viewed the body as only an avatar of the soul, proof of
its fallen nature, a source of impurity and a tomb (soma-sema)29
which accidentally imprisons the soul; as something inessential and
added on to the soul. For them the essence of a person is to be
found in his soul which reveals itself as one progressively negates
the body and becomes detached from it.30
Correlatively, by affirming that a human being is at once soul and
body,31
they opposed every form of materialism and naturalism that denied
the soul or reduced it to being an epiphenomena of the body, or
something derived from and determined by the body, a point of view
that sees the body as the essence of the human being and the
principle source of all human activity.32
St Justin
writes: Ts the soul by itself man? No; but the soul of man. Would
the body be called man? No, but it is called the body of man.'33
And
St Irenaeus says: 'For that flesh which has been moulded is not a
perfect man in itself, but the body of a man, and part of a man.
Neither is the soul itself, considered apart by itself, the man; but
it is the soul of a man, and part of a man.'34
The human
being is then both body and soul and consists of these two at once,
compounded of two substances. The Fathers never tire of repeating
that the human being is by his very nature made of these two
components and can never be reduced to only one or the other. His
very essence consists of these two elements. Thus St Irenaeus tells
us, 'men... are compound by nature, and consist of a body and a
soul.'35
St Athenagoras teaches that 'man is double, being made of body and
soul,'36
and ' is composed of these two.37
St Cyril of Jerusalem clearly states: 'Man is two-fold by nature,
composed of a soul and a body, and it is the same God that created
both the body and the soul.'38
St John Chrysostom tells us 'man is a reasoning animal who is
composed of two natures, of a spiritual soul and a material body.'39
And St Gregory of Nyssa: 'What does the human being teach us? Body
and soul at the same time, or one or the other alone? All the
evidence points to the union of these two which is characteristic of
the living person.40
And let us quote St Gregory Palamas: The title of human being is not
applied to the soul or the body as separate entities, but of the two
together, for they were created together in the image of God.41
The
affirmation of this double constitution, the coexistence of these
two components and their clear distinction, is not to be construed
however as a dualist conception. As St Gregory of Nyssa stresses,
'Man is one by nature, being made of body and soul together.42
It is as a
single entity with two natures especially since the soul and the
body were created by the same act and at the same moment. 'The
being of a person can only have one common origin/ writes St.
Gregory of Nyssa.43
As St Nicetas Stethatos explains,
The divine
Word, far from establishing that either one or the other of the two
natures existed previously; that either one or the other was the
basis, the cause or the effect of the other—either the body in
connection with the soul or vice versa—to the contrary has united
the two natures without any confusion into a single unique
substance.44
St Gregory
of Nyssa affirms:
As far as
the creation of each individual is concerned, one principle does not
precede the other; neither the soul comes before the body, nor the
other way around
45...
It is a truth that neither the soul exists before the body, nor the
body apart from the soul, but the two have a common origin. If one
considers these things on a supernatural level, this origin is
founded primarily on the will of God; from a less elevated point of
view, this occurred at the very moment of our entrance into the
world.46
St Maximus
affirms just as clearly that, at the moment of creation, the body
and soul were created simultaneously and human nature is composed of
a single entity:
In its
creation every composite nature, as far as its components are
concerned, possesses its own parts simultaneously in this creation;47...
its parts are contemporaneous to each other insofar as they coexist
from the moment of their creation. Neither of the two parts
pre-existed in time.48
St Maximus
affirms that the parts are necessarily connected to something and
are both simultaneously needed to form the genus (eidos) of a
complete human being.
49
Even death, as St Maximus stresses, only separates body and soul in
a relative manner. Neither soul nor body can exist in isolation
then, but are always the body and the soul not only of a given man,
but of each and every man considered as a whole of which they remain
parts.50
These
brief comments show us that the Fathers constantly tried to defend a
state of equilibrium in their understanding of the nature of the
human being. The two substances of which he is composed are
distinguished without being separated, and united without any
confusion. As St Symeon the New Theologian says, the soul is united
to the body 'in an inexpressible and undetectable way, and blended
without mixture or confusion.'51
And so it is not possible to totally envisage the one without the
other, to see man through one independently of the other; each one,
however, preserves its own nature and, in a certain measure, its own
destiny.52
The
intimate connection of soul and body implies that they act
simultaneously in every human activity and partake of the same
emotions. According to Nemesius of Emesa, the sympathy that exists
between the two shows that they are united, for the whole animate
being experiences one same feeling as a single entity.53
He further
adds that] The Soul, being numbered among the things that can
change, seems to have feelings in common with the body because of
its close bond with it. At the same time the soul seems to be
subject to the influence of the body which can impress itself on
her.54
'What pain
or pleasure or movement is not a common activity of both body and
soul?' asks St Gregory Palamas.55
St Maximus is even more explicit:
Every composite nature normally and necessarily involves its
components, one with the other. Such is the case with men as with
every composite nature. The soul without wishing involves the body
and is influenced by the body. It provides the body with life
without having chosen to do so and is under the body's influence,
partaking of its
passions 56
and sorrows through that faculty capable of receiving them.57
The
Fathers stress the connection between body and soul and their common
activity in sin. 'In every action they are, as it were, riveted
together and participate equally in the end result. How then can you
separate one from the other when you admit that they are joined in
all their activities. And how can you put the entire responsibility
on the soul when the actions involve both parties?' asks St Gregory
of Nyssa.58
The Fathers, in accord with these ideas, considered the passions59
to be shared with the body and the soul, and also held the same to
be true of the virtues.60
Thus it follows that every movement of the soul is accompanied by a
movement of the body and every movement of the body by that of the
soul.61
Each and
every act of the human being is at one and the same time an act and
movement of both the soul and the body. Evagrius calls attention to
this double relationship.62
St Maximus speaks very clearly to the issue:
The
following four things are said to change the body's temperament and
through it to produce either impassioned or dispassionate thoughts
in the intellect: angels, demons, the winds and diet. It is said
that the angels change it by thought, demons by touch, the winds by
varying, and diet by the quality of our food and drink and by
whether we eat too much or too little. There are also changes
brought about by means of memory, hearing and sight—namely when the
soul is affected by joyful or distressing experiences as a result of
one of these three means, and then changes the body's temperament.
Thus changed, this temperament in its turn induces corresponding
thoughts in the intellect.63
It
is in the nature of the human being that no element can act without
the other being implicated. The body without the soul is helpless,64
and vice versa, but for different reasons: the body has need of the
soul to live and move,65
while the soul has need of the body to manifest, express itself, and
act on the external world.66
For the body is the servant, the organ and instrument of the soul.67
The body is absolutely necessary for the exercise of the soul's
function in relation to the world and for it to manifest its powers
under terrestrial conditions. With regard to this all of the
activities of the soul, insofar as they are manifest, cannot exist
without the body.68
The soul
is incapable of expressing itself without the corporeal organs
necessary for the realization of its activity. Such, according to
Gregory of Nyssa, is the case even with an embryo where these organs
are not as yet developed. 'Even if the soul does not manifest itself
by certain activities, it is nevertheless present as in an embryo.
In effect, the constitution of a human being which will develop, is
already present, but in a hidden manner because it cannot manifest
itself except by means of the necessary order of things. Thus it is
present, but invisible. It will only appear thanks to the exercise
of its normal activity as the body develops'; 'the activities of the
soul develop along with the formation and perfection of the body
that is its instrument.'69
This is also the case, as we shall see later, with adults whose
disease affects the organs and impedes them from actualizing certain
potentialities of the soul. But this is true during the first years
of life, when the soul, that possesses from the moment of birth the
totality of its possibilities, can only manifest these in proportion
to the development of the organism. St Gregory of Nyssa writes thus:
The soul,
even if does not manifest certain activities in broad daylight, is
nevertheless present in the embryo.... It is present but invisible;
it only shows itself thanks to the exercise of its natural activity
which is associated with the development of the body.70
...
The
activities of the soul develop in correlation with the formation and
perfection of the body which is its instrument.71
All this
should not let us forget that
the soul, being incorporeal, has a different nature than the body72
and is superior to
it.73
It is the soul that gives life to the body: the body receives from
the soul its organization while the soul directs the activity of the
body and maintains its unity.74
The intimate relationship between soul and body is due to the fact
that the soul penetrates each part of the body and uses its members
as its organ. St Maxim us notes:
The whole
soul permeates the whole body and gives it life and motion. At the
same time the soul is not divided or enclosed in it, since the soul
is simple and incorporeal by nature. It is wholly present to the
entire body and to each of its members. The body is of such a nature
that it can make place for the soul by an inherent power that is
receptive to the soul's activity.75
St
Makarios teaches that:
The soul,
which is a subtle body, has enveloped and
clothed itself in the members of our visible body, which is gross in
substance. It has clothed itself in the eye, through which it sees;
in the ear, through which it hears; in the hand, the nose. In short,
the soul has clothed itself in the whole visible body and all its
members, becoming commingled with them, and through them
accomplishing everything it does in this life.76
Nemesius
of Emesa brings all these aspects together:
The soul
is incorporeal, and yet it has established its presence in every
part of the body... on the one hand, the soul preserves its own
unity of being, and on the other, it modifies whatever it indwells,
in accordance with its own life, while itself suffering no
reciprocal change. For, as the presence of the sun transforms the
air into light, making the air luminous by uniting light with air,
at once maintaining them distinct and yet melting them together, so
likewise the soul is united to the body and yet remains distinct
from it... the soul is incorporeal, and not circumscribed to a
particular portion of space, but spreading entire throughout; like a
sun that spread wherever its light reached, as well as throughout
the body of the sun, not being just a part of the whole that it
illuminates, as would be the case if it were not omnipresent in it.
For it is not the body that masters the soul, but it is the soul
that masters the body. Nor is the soul contained in the body, as if
in a vessel or bag. It might rather be said that the body is in the
soul.77
The fact
that the soul governs the organization and function of the body only
signifies to a certain degree the mastery of its body by the human
subject. To define the degree of this mastery requires that one
define the complex nature of the soul. This definition also allows
us to be clear as to what degree the soul is independent of the
body.
SPIRIT,
BODY AND SOUL
The
Fathers usually distinguish three 'powers' in the human soul.78
The most
elementary level (which is not always explicitly distinguished and
is often found included in a broader concept of the second level)
corresponds to the vegetative or vital power which all living beings
possess, be they human, animal or vegetable.79
The function of this power is nutrition, growth and generation.80
It is this which is the source of life in the organism and assures
the individual functions of the vital organs.81
The vital organs that are linked to the vegetative soul are not
under the control of the human will. They function 'whether we want
them to or not.'82
At the
second level is found the 'animal' power and this power is common to
both men and animals.83
Along with the vegetative functions, it constitutes the irrational
part of the soul. It is also called
'appetitive'84
and 'passible'.85
Apart from the capacity for sensation and perception,86
it comprises two elements: 1) 'irrascibility' and 'ardor' (thumos)
from which all kinds of aggressiveness proceeds, as well as the will
in its combative dimension,87
and 2) concupiscability (epithymetikon),88
which encompasses desire, affectivity and other such urges.89
Also attached to it is the imagination under its elementary and
non-rational aspect.90
In the
human being the exercise of the faculties can be partially
controlled by reason.91
At the
third level we find the power of reason that pertains to man and
constitutes the principle characteristic of his nature,
distinguishing him from all other creatures.92
The two principle faculties are reason and, at an even higher level,
the spirit (pneuma) or intellect (nous)93
which is the principle of consciousness (in the psychological as
well as the moral sense) and the capacity that man has for
self-determination (autexousia), and thus the superior aspect of his
will
94
and the principle of his liberty.95
The nous is also the principle of all the intellective functions. In
the first place, it is the intuitive intelligence (nous properly
speaking), the faculty of contemplation (theoria) and the source of
all knowledge. Secondly, it is reason (logos) and all that proceeds
from the intelligence:96
thinking (ennoia, dianoia), reflection (dianoia), judgment (krisis),
discernment (diakrisis), and interior discourse (endiathetos logos)
from which comes both language and memory.97
The nous
is the highest faculty in man and the faculty that gives him the
power to command and to direct (for which reason this is often
called egemonikon). Because of the nous man has the possibility to
situate, master, and transcend himself.
The nous
represents the contemplative possibilities of the human being.98
For the Fathers it is fundamentally that which links man with God,
that leads him towards and unites him with God.99
By means of the nous man is objectively and in a definite manner
linked to God from the moment of his creation: the nous is in effect
the image of God in man.100
This image can be masked or soiled by sin, but it cannot be
destroyed: it is the indelible mark of man's most profound being, of
his veritable nature, the logos or constitutive principle of which
cannot be altered.101
The nous
is created immortal, thanks to grace.102
It is changeable by nature, but is capable of controlling and
directing its own changes.103
This image of God is not by nature divine. It has the possibility by
the work of divine grace, after having acquired the likeness of God,
of being deified.104
Finally,
it is important to point out that, according to the Fathers, the
nous is that which corresponds most of all in man to his person.105
V. Lossky writes that 'it is the seat of the person, of the human
hypostasis which contains in itself the whole of man's nature—
spirit, soul and body.'106
It is
necessary to point out that the 'elements' that can be distinguished
in the soul do not constitute three different souls, nor three
separate parts. As St Gregory of Nyssa points out, the soul is one
and not divided into parts:
We find
three distinct faculties [but] let no one suppose on this account
that in the compound nature of man there are three souls welded
together, contemplated each in its own limits, so that one should
think man's nature to be a sort of conglomeration of several souls.
The true and perfect soul is naturally one.107
The
Fathers frequently used the dichotomous body-soul model, including
in the single idea of soul (psykhe) all its elements, and in doing
so made clear their understanding of the profound unity of the soul.
On other occasions they represented it by the trichotomous
spirit/intellect-soul-body model. In so doing, they wished to stress
the importance of man's union with God. They wished to avoid
characterizing the nous as a faculty separate from the soul and the
body: the soul (psykhe) St John of Damascus teaches 'does not have
the nous as something distinct from itself, but as its purest part,
for, as the eye is to the body, so is the nous to the soul.'108
The nous has no prior existence apart from the soul, but is created
at the same time and with the soul.109
The nous
is not external to the body.110
It is united to it in the same manner as the animal and vegetative
soul. It is totally one with it, not one of its parts. According to
St Gregory of Nyssa 'we must... consider that the nous is equally in
contact with each of the parts according to a kind of combination
which is indescribable.'111
And so we find the entire soul (including the nous) is blended with
the
body112
and, as we have already seen, totally penetrates it.
As the
nous penetrates the totality of the body, it also penetrates the
totality of the animal and vegetative soul.113
By this
total union of the nous to the totality of soul and body, the entire
man is made in the image of God and as a result is a hypostasis.
By this
union, the body and soul receive the possibility of complete
participation in the spiritual life. The nous has the power to bring
all the other elements of the human composite under its control and
of inducing them to conform to itself, to spiritualize them and
communicate to them in their inmost being the divine energies which
they, by their nature, are capable (dektikos) of receiving. It is
through the medium of the nous that the totality of man is capable
of being one with God and being deified.
The nous
is thus the principle of the physical unity of the human composite,114
the principle of its spiritual unity,115
and ultimately the means of its union with God.
By means
of his reasoning soul, man is master of his actions and behavior. At
the same time the nous is the principle of his reason, it is also
the principle of his will and free choice.116
He is
thus, unlike the animals, master of his feelings. St Athanasius also
notes:
How again,
the eye being naturally constituted to see and the ear to hear, do
they turn from some objects and choose others? For who is it that
turns away the eye from seeing? Or who shuts off the ear from
hearing, its natural function? Or who often hinders the palate, to
which it is natural to taste things, from its natural impulse? Or
who withholds the hand from its natural activity of touching
something, or turns aside the sense of smell from its normal
exercise? Who is it that thus acts against the natural instincts of
the body? Or how does the body, turned from its natural course, turn
to the counsels of another and suffer itself to be guided at the
beck of that other? Why, these things prove simply this, that the
rational soul presides over the body.
For the
body is not even constituted to drive itself, but it is carried at
the will of another.117
In a more
general manner, St Gregory of Nyssa notes that each element of the
body 'is guarded as by a sentinel, by the noetic faculty of the
soul.'118
The
reasonable soul is likewise capable of ruling the irrational parts
of the soul:119
the irascible element, the desiring element and all that is
connected with the affections and the imagination. The nous shows
itself equally capable of controlling the psychic activities of the
rational soul and of ruling the constant flux of ideas and thoughts
as well as memories.
Even if
the soul uses the body as an instrument and depends on the body to
manifest its activities in the exterior world, it remains
essentially independent.120
Even if the body cannot move without the soul, the soul remains
itself.121
On the other hand, by means of his consciousness, man can transcend
the limits of the body. 'Even when united and coupled with the
body,' notes St Athanasius, '[the soul] is not shut in or
commensurate with the small dimensions of the body, but often, when
the body lies in bed, not moving, but in death-like sleep, the soul
keeps awake by virtue of its own power, and transcends the natural
power of the body.'122
This
independence of the soul is clearly manifest with death, when the
body decomposes while the soul continues to live. St Athanasius
writes:
[If] the
soul moves the body and is not moved by other things, it follows
that the movement of the soul is spontaneous, and that this
spontaneous movement goes on after the body is laid aside in the
earth. If then the soul were moved by the body, it would follow that
the severance of its motor would involve its death.
But if
the soul moves the body also, it follows all the more that it moves
itself. But if moved by itself, it follows that it outlives the
body. For the movement of the soul is the same thing as its life.123
St Gregory
Palamas develops a similar idea in showing with great precision what
distinguishes a human being from an animal:
The soul
of each animal not imbued with intelligence... does not possess life
as essence, but as activity, since here life is relative and not
something in itself. Indeed, the soul of animals consists of nothing
except that which is actuated by the body. Thus when the body
dissolves, the soul inevitably dissolves as well........
The
soul of each man is also the life of the body that it animates........
Yet
the soul has life not only as an activity but also as its essence,
since it is self-existent; for it possess a spiritual and noetic
life that is evidently different from the body's and from what is
actuated by the body. Hence when the body dissolves the human soul
does not perish with it; and not only does it not perish but it
continues to exist immortally, since it is not manifest only in
relation to something else, but possesses its own life as its
essence.124
NOTES
1.
See
H.
Ey.
'Histoire de la psychiatrie'
Encyclopédie médico-chirugicale,
1955,
37005A;
Etudes
psychiatriques,
1,
Paris,
1952.
Y.
Pélicier,
Histoire de la psychiatrie,
Paris,
1971, E.G. Alexander
et S. Selesnick,
Histoire de la psychiatrie,
Paris,
1972.
2.
Cf. H. Ey, P. Bernard, C. Brisset,
Manuel de psychiatrie, Paris, 1974
(4th ed.), pp68—76.
3. See the review of J.-Y. Nau,
of a study published in The Lancet,
of July |B| 1988: 'A comparative
study on the treatment of mental
diseases. Psychotherapy and
Psychiatric drugs compared', Le
Monde, August 5,1988.
4. Cf. H. Ey, P. Bernard, C.
Brisset, Manuel dc psychiatric, pp
217-218.
E. Stengel, 'Classification of
mental disorders', Bull.
OMS, no.
21,1959, pp 600-663.
5. H. Ey, P. Bernard, C. Brisset,
Manuel de psychiatrie, p 217.
6.
See the articles of Dr
Escoffier-Lambiotte, Le Monde, Feb.
2, Feb. 14, April 24, 1985 and of
J.
-Y. Nau, Le Monde, July 22,1988.
7. Paris, 1972
8. H. Ey,
P. Bernard, C. Brisset,
Manuel de
psychiatrie,
p6i.
9.
See C.
Brisset, 'Psychiatry
and the exclusion of the mentally ill'
Le Monde, Nov. 2,1977» P9-
10. See C. Koııpernik,
'L'Heure
des 'treatements sur mesure"',
Le Monde, April 16, lyHOi pis.
11. The first volume considered bodily
illness (Théologie de la maladie. Ed. Du
Cerf, Paris, 1991 [available in English
translation as "The Theology of Illness*
(Crestwood: SVS Press, 2002]), the
second considered spiritual illness
(Thérapeutique des maladies
spirituelles, 4th éd., Ed. du Cerf,
Paris, 2000).
12. Cf. M. Dols, 'Insanity in
Byzantine and Islamic Medicine', in
J. Scarborough (ed.),
Symposium on
Byzantine Medicine, Dumbarton Oaks
Papters, 38,1984, P137.
I3. Historians are in agreement in
recognizing that it was only after
the fifteenth century that such
confusions arose in the West See Y,
Pelicier, op, cit., p26. F. Alexander
and S. Selesnick, op. cit., pp 69
and 87.
14. See
our Theology of Illness, pp 95-97·
15. Ed. Privat, Toulouse, 1980, P169.
16. The author recalls this passage from
Baudelaire: 'More than once I was the
victim of these crises and impulses
which lead one to believe that malicious
demons insinuate themselves in us and,
without our being aware of it,
accomplish in us their absurd desires'
(Petits poèmes en prose, 'Le Mauvais
Vitrier').
17. These researches are reported by
Mgr. Chrysostomos in his article
'Demonology in the Orthodox Church: A
Psychological Perspective', The Greek
Orthodox Theological Review, 33,1988, pp
45-61.
18. See W. Van Dusen, The Presence
of Other Worlds, New York, 1974.
19. See Ibid., p.120.
20.
'Demonology. ..'p58.
21. See especially: V. Frankl,
La
Psychotherapie et son image de
l'homme, Paris, 1970;
The Unconscious
God: psychotherapy and theology (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1975). W.
Daim, Transvaluation de la
psychanalyse, Paris, 1957.1. Caruso,
Existential Psychology: from
analysis to synthesis, trans. E.
Kraff (New York: Herder & Herder,
1964);
Psychanalyse pour la personne,
Paris, 1962. Also see C.G. Jung,
La
Guerison psychologique, Geneve, 1953.
22. Thérapeutique des maladies
spirituelles, 4th éd., Ed. du Cerf,
Paris, 2000.
23. See especially J. Alliez and
J. P. Huber, 'L'Acédie ou le déprimé
entre le péché et Ja maladie*,
Annales médico-psychologiques, 145,
1987, PP393-407. B. Lecomte,
L'Acédie:
invention et devenir d'une
psychopathologie dans le monde
monastique, thèse de doctorat en
medicine université de Nancy,
1,1991. This last study partly
inspired our previous work.
24. Le Monde, Nov. 4,1981, pu.
"All the epidemiological studies
show that in the western countries,
one in four individuals are
afflicted with one of these forms of
moral suffering during the course of
their life.* (ibid.) In 1985 seven
million French citizens could be
considered depressed (cf. Le Monde,
1 Feb., 1985, pi4).
25. In 1981, eight million tons of
tranquilizers were consumed annually
in the World (Le Monde, Nov., 4,
1981, pn). In France prescriptions
for antidepressants exceeded
4,300,000 in 1997 and 7,300,000 in
1982. (Le Monde, Feb. 1, 1985, pi4).
With regard to 1991 statistics, one
out of four consumed tranquilizers
at least once a
year in France.
26. Cf. Dr. Escoffier-Lambiote, 'Mal de
vivre et médicalisation
systématique.
Sept millions de
Français dépressifs*, Le Monde, Feb,
1,1985, pi4.
27. So much the more so since
the Word, by becoming incarnate,
assumed not only a soul, but a
human body.
28. At death, the body is only
separated from the soul while
awaiting the resurrection which
will transform it and once again
unite it with the soul to
partake of the blessings of the
Kingdom of Heaven, or the pains
of Hell.
29. Cf. Plato, Gorgias, 493A;
Cratylus, 400c.
30. Gnosticism cannot be summed
up in a few schools. It is a
vast movement with multiple
roots which has developed in
many different directions. But
it is certain that it is to some
degree linked to Platonism (see
S. Petrement,
Essai sur
le
dualisme chez Platon, les
gnostiques et les manichéens,
Paris, 1947), at least with the
Platonism of the first centuries
of Christianity. The
anthropology of the early
Fathers (especially Irenaeus,
Hippolytus, Tertullian, and even
Clement of Alexandria) took
shape in reaction to gnosticism
and the dualistic aspects of
Platonism (See M. Spanneut,
Le stoïcisme des Pères de
l'Eglise
de Clément de Rome à Clément
d'Alexandrie,
Paris, 1957, pp43,133,149,150).
The defense of orthodox
anthropology continued to be
necessary during the course of
the following centuries when
certain Gnostic theses, related
to Originist ideas in particular,
became a danger even within the
Church (especially in some
monastic communities). Thus it
was that Origin, Evagrius and
Didymus were condemned at the
Fifth Council in the year 553
for having, as was once again
recalled in canon 1 of the
Quinisext Council in 692,
Reintroduced... Greek myths.'
But Originism left traces beyond
the sixth century; thus we see
St Gregory Palamas obliged to
again make clear the orthodox
conception of man in the
fourteenth century, and recall
the Patristic teaching on the
common destiny of the soul and
the body in the process of
deification. On the Originist
crisis, see A. Guillaumont,
Les 'Kephalaia
gnostica' d'Êvagre le Pontique
et l'histoire de l'origénisme
chez les Grecs et les Syriens,
Paris, 1962, and J. Meyendorff,
Le Christ dans la théologie
byzantine
(Paris: Cerf, 1969), chap. 3,
PP59-89.
31. See for example St Gregory
of Nazianzus, Discourse, xlv, 8.
St Maximus, Mystagogy, v, pg
91,672d.
32. St Athanasius of Alexandria,
for example stated: 'Thus each
human being has a soul, a
reasoning soul. It is necessary
for those of little
understanding to demonstrate
this with a few words, the more
so as some heretics deny this
and imagine that the human being
consists of nothing other than
what we visibly apprehend,
namely his body.'
33. On the Resurrection, no. 7.
34. Against the Heresies, v,
6,1.
35. Against the Heresies, n,
13,3. Cf. On the Apostolic
Preaching, 2.
36. On the Resurrection, 18.
37. Ibid., 25.
38. Catecheses, iv, 18.
39. Homilies on Genesis, xiv, 5.
40. Homilies on Pascha and the
Resurrection, Hi.
41. Prosopopoea,
pg 150,13461c. One could also
cite: St Maximus the Confessor,
Ambigua, 7, pg 91,1109CD. St
Symeon the New Theologian,
Practical and Theological
Chapters, 11,23 and m, 62.
42. On the Making of Man, xxix,
1; pg 44,233D.
43. Ibid.
Chapters xxviii
and xxix are specifically
concerned with the refutation of
the Origenist doctrine regarding
the pre-existence of souls. Cf.
On the Soul and the Resurrection,
xlvi, pg 46,113BC. St Gregory of
Nyssa attacks this doctrine of
metempsychosis (On the Making of
Man, xxvni, 232A).
44. On
the Soul, 14. Cf. 26 and Letters,
iv, 9.
45. On
the Making of Man, xxix, pg
44,233D.
46. Ibid.,
236b.
47. Letters,
xn, pg 91,488CD.
48. Ibid.
Maximus develops his argument on
this point in Ambigua, 42, pg
91, 1321D-1341C. He directs his
comments as much against the
Origenists who affirmed the pre-existence
of the soul, as against those
who on the basis of a literal
exegesis
of Exod. 21:22 affirm its
postexistence. He also refutes
the doctrine of metempsychosis'
(Cf. Ambigua, 7, pg 91,
1100D-1100A).
See M.-H. Congourdeau, 'L'Animation
de l'embryon humain chez Maxime
le Confesseur',
Nouvelle revue théologique, m,
1989, pp 693-709 and E.
Stephanou, 'La
Coexistence initiale de Fame et
du corps d'après saint Grégoire
de Nysse et Maxime l'Homologète',
Échos d'Orient, 31,1932,
PP304-315.
49.
See Ambigua, 7, pg
91,1100c.
51.
Practical and
Theological Chapters, 11,
23. Also see Nemesius of
Emesa, On the Nature of Man,
in, pg 40,597A.
52.
Cf. St John of
Damascus, On the Orthodox
Faith, III, 16. St Issac the
Syrian, Ascetical Homilies,
3.
53. On
the Nature of Man, ill, pg
40,597A.
54. Ibid.,
601B.
55. Triads,
II,2,12
[p51
Eng. ed.]. See also St John of
Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12.
56. Here
we are speaking of the natural
passions.
57. Letters,
XXII,
pg 91,488CD.
58. Homelies
on Pascha and the Resurrection,
III.
59. It
is a matter of the culpable
passions as opposed to the
virtues.
60. See
for example St Maximus,
Centuries on Charity,
11, 57. St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12.
61. Saint Isaac the Syrian notes
on this topic, while affirming
that 'the movement of one is
separate from the movement of
the other' and ' the will of one
from the will of the other':
'through God's inscrutable
wisdom, by nature the soul has
been made
a sharer in the body's griefs,
by reason of the union of her
movement with the body's
movement'
Ascetical Homilies,
3. On the union of the soul with
the movements of the body, see
also: Evagrius Ponticus,
Chapters on Prayer, 63 and 68.
St Maximus the Confessor,
Questiones et dubia, 149;
Centuries on Charity,
11,85 and 92.
62.
'Whereas others
derive their reasonings
and ideas and principles
from the changing states
of the body, yet God
does the contrary. He
descends upon the spirit
himself and infuses his
knowledge into it as he
pleases. Calm peace he
brings to the body's
disturbed state through
the spirit.' (Chapters
on Prayer,
63).
63.
Centuries on Charity,
11,92 {The Philokalia,
vol. 2).
64.
See St Nicetas
Stethatos,
On the Soul,
56.
65.
See Nemesius of Emesa,
On the Nature of Man,
11. St Nicetas
Stethatos,
De L'äme,
p56.
66.
See Gregory of Nyssa,
On the Making of Man,
xv, pg 44,177c.
67.
See St lohn Chrysostom,
Homilies on Genesis,
xi v, 5. Nemesius of
Emesa,
On the Nature of Man,
ii. St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12. St Nicetas
68.
It can even be said that
the state of the soul is
completely inscribed in
the body, and especially
on the face. It is this,
as St John Cassian
remarks, which allows
the saints 'to recognize
his interior state from
the look, the face, the
bearing of a person" (Conferences
vn, 1) The author of
Ecclesiasticus as we
have noted says: 'The
heart of a man shows in
his face, be it good or
bad' (Sirach 13:25). Cf.
St John Climacus, The
Ladder, xxx, 17.
69. On
the Making of Man, xxix, pg
44,236CD and 237B. Cf. 237c.
70. Ibid.,
236C.
71. Ibid.,
237b. Cf. 337c: 'For as the body
proceeds from a very small
original to the perfect state,
so also the operation of the
soul, growing in correspondence
with the subject, gains and
increases with it. For at its
first formation there comes
first of all its power of growth
and nutriment alone, as though
it were some root buried in the
ground; for the limited nature
of the recipient does not admit
of more; then, as the plant
comes forth to the light and
shows its shoot to the sun, the
gift of sensibility blossoms in
addition, but when at last it is
ripened and has grown up to its
proper height, the power of
reason begins to shine forth
like a fruit, not appearing in
its whole vigor all at once, but
by care increasing with the
perfection of the instrument,
bearing always as much fruit as
the powers of the subject allow/
The vocabulary utilized by
Gregory clearly indicates that
it is the activity of the soul
which grows—not the soul itself.
All the powers of the sou 1 are
there but their operation (or
their activity) is only
progressively achieved. One
should not see in this a
reflection of the Aristotelian
theory of progressive animation
(of the vegetative, sensitive
and animal soul). As for St
Maximus the Confessor, he
explicitly opposed this last
theory and affirmed without any
ambiguity the presence in man of
the reasonable soul from the
moment of conception, for this
is the distinguishing mark of
the human being, and man is such
(mid not a plant or animal) from
this moment of creation (ste
Ambigua, 42, pg 91,1337C-1340A).
72. St
Maximus the Confessor
demonstrates this in detail in
his
Letter vi,
pg 91, 424c-433A.See also
Nemesius of Emesa, On the Nature
of Man, iii,
pg 40,597A.
73. See
among others: St Athanasius,
Against the Heathen,
32, pg 25,64C-65A; St Maximus,
Centuries on Charity,
1,7.
74. See
St Maximus, Ambigua, 7, pg 91,
1100AB;
42, 13360-13378. St John of
Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12. St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul,
24. St Gregory Palamas,
Topics of Natural and
Theological Sciences,
30 (The Philokalia, vol. 4).
75. Ambigua,
7, pg 91,
1100AB [On
the Cosmic Mystery of Jesus
Christ.
Selected Writings from St
Maximus the Confessor, trans.
P.M. Blowers and R.L. Wilken (Crestwood,
NY: St Vladimir's Seminary Press,
2003), p7i].
76. St
Symeon Metaphrastis Paraphrase
of the Homilies of St Makarios
of Egypt,
67 (The
Philokalia, vol. 3). Cf.
St Athanasius,
Against the Heathen,
32, pg 25,64C-65A.
77. On
the Nature of Man,
III,
pg 40,597A.
78. See
St Gregory of Nyssa,
On the Making of Man,
xxixx, pg 44,237c. Nemesius of
Emesa,
On the Nature of Man,
xv. St Maximus,
Centuries on Charity,
III,
32. St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12. St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul,
31-32.
79. The
souls of the last two are
limited to this level.
80. See
St Gregory of Nyssa,
On the Making of Man,
VIII,
pg 44,144D-145A; C. St Maximus,
Centuries on Charity,
11,32; St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12; St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul,
31-32
81. See
St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12.
82. Ibid.
St John of Damascus makes this
clear: 'Now, deaf and
disobedient to reason are the
vital principle, which is also
called pulsating, the seminal or
generative principle, and the
vegetable principle, which is
also called nutritive and to
which also belongs the principle
of growth that builds up the
body. For these are governed not
by reason but by nature' (ibid).
83.
See Gregory of Nyssa,
On the Making of Man,
VIII pg
44,145A. St Maximus,
Centuries on Charity,
in, 32
84. See
St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12; St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul,
32.
85. St
John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12.
86.
See Gregory of Nyssa,
On the Making of Man,
VIII,
pg 44,145A.
87. See
St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
II, 16.
88. Platonic
in origin (Republic
iv, 444C-e), the threefold
rational—irascible—
concupiscable division of
elements became standard in
Eastern spirituality from the
time of Evagrius (see especially
his
Praktikos,
86 and 89 where Evagrius follows
Gregory Nazianzus). See among
others: St Dorotheus of Gaza,
Instructions,
176. St Maximus the Confessor,
Centuries on Charity,
1, 67; ill, 3; iv, 15,80;
Letters,
11, pg 91, 397A; xxxi, 625AB. St
Issac the Syrian,
Ascetical Homilies,
4. Pseudo-John of Damascus,
On the Virtues and Vices
(The Philokalia, vol. 2). St
Hesychios the Priest,
On Watchfulness,
126. St Philotheus of Sinai,
Texts on Watchfulness,i6.
St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul,
36;
Centuries,
1,15,16.
89. On
these divisions see especially
St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
ii, 12 and St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul, 32; 36-41.
90. See
St Maximus,
Centuries on Charity,
in, 32. John of Damascus
On the Orthodox Faith,
ii, 17; 18. St Nicetas
Stethatos,
On the Soul,
65,68.
91. See
St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
n, 12. St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul,
31.
92.
This is why St Maximus
recognized, contrary to
Aristotle (who will be followed
later by St Thomas Aquinas),
that the rational soul is
present from the very first
instant of human life, that is,
from conception. (See Ambigua,
42, pg 91, 133701340B).
93. The
authors of the first centuries (for
example St Ignatius of Antioch,
To The
Philadelphians,
xn, 2. St Irenaeus,
Against the Heresies,
v, 6,1) utilized the word pneuma,
following the practice of St
Paul (1 Thess. 5:23). The
Fathers of the
fourth century and the
Byzantine Fathers of the later
centuries adopted and preferred
the word nous (See }. Meyendorff,
Byzantine Theology,
2nd ed. (New York: Fordham
University Press, 1979), P141.
The present author thinks that
this change was made in order to
avoid the ambiguity which could
exist with regard to the
identity of the spirit, and also
to affirm the created character
of the human spirit). See also
A.-J. Festugiere,
L'Ideal
religieux des Grecs et
l'Evangile,
Paris, 1932, Excursus B, 'La
division corps-ame-esprit de 1
Thess.',
pp 212-220.
94.
St Maximus the Confessor
developed a quite subtle
psychology of the will (See
especially
Opuscules theologiques
et polemiques,
1, pg 91,12C-20A) also used
by St John of Damascus (On
the Orthodox Faith,
n, 24). See also Nemesius of
Emesa,
On the Nature of Man,
xxvii-xxxi 11. St Nicetas
Stethatos,
On the Soul,
38.
95.
St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
11,12. On liberty see the
excellent synthesis of the
same author (11, 24; 25; 27)
which is to a great extent
inspired by St Maximus the
Confessor (See especially
his
Opuscules theologiques
et polemiques,
1, pg 91,16B-20A).
96.
See St Maximus,
Mystagogy,
a, pg 91672D-673A.
97.
See Nemesius of Emesa,
On the Nature of Man,
XII-XIV.
St John of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
II,19-20.
St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul,
65; 66,68.
98.
See St Maximus,
Mystagogy, V, pg 91,672D,
673BC.
99.
See for example, St
Maximus, Ibid, 673ab.
100.
Cf. Clement of
Alexandria,
Exhortation to the Heathen,
x, 98,4. St Athanasius of
Alexandria,
Against the Heathen,
34. St Basil of Caesarea,
Homilies on the Origin of
Man,
1,6; 7. St Maximus,
Mystagogy,
V, pg pi, 673B. St John of
Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
u, 12. See V. Lossky,
The Mystical Theology of the
Eastern Church
(Crestwood, NY: St
Vladimir's Seminary Press
1997), pp 115-116.
101. This
is a leitmotive of St
Maximus the Confessor. See
especially his
Ambigua,
42, pg 9i> 1341D.
102. The
Christian tradition is opposed
on this point to the Gnostic and
Platonic tradition which affirms
that the intellect is uncreated
and immortal by its nature. Some
Christian authors such as Origin
and Nemesius of Emesa, hold to
this latter point of view. See
J. Meyendorff,
Le Christ dans la théologie
Byzantine
(Paris: Cerf, 1969), pp 74-75·
103. Cf.
St Nicetas Stethatos,
On the Soul,
48.
104. The
deified man is totally deified,
both body and soul. But the
Fathers often affirm that the
nous is the first to receive
grace and to be transformed by
grace; it is by means of its
intermediary function that grace
is communicated to the rest of
the human composite.
105. See
V. Lossky, op. cit., p20i. J.
Meyendorff,
Byzantine Theology,
p 142.
106. hoc.
cit.
107. On
the Making of Man
xiv, 167 a
108. On
the Orthodox Faith,
11,12.
109. See
St Symeon the New Theologian,
The Practical and Theological
Chapters and the Three
Theological Discourses
(Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian
Publications, 1982), pl26.
110. See
St Athanasius of Alexandria,
Against the Heathen,
32. St Gregory of Nyssa,
On the Making of Man,
xv, pg 44,177B.
111. On
the Making of Man,
XIII,
pg 44,160d. Cf. xxiv, 173D; xv,
177B.
112. See.
St Gregory of Nyssa,
On the Making of Man,
xi v, pg 44,176 b.
113. Ibid.,i76A.
114. Cf.
St Maximus the Confessor,
Ambigua,
7, pg 91,1100a, b.
115. Cf.
J. Meyendorff,
Byzantine Theology,
pp 141-14&*
116. Thus,
for St Gregory of Nazianzus, 'the
nous is the highest power in us'
(Discourse, xxxix, 7, pg
36,3431B.
117. Against
the Heathen,
32, pg 25,64C-65a.
118. On
the Soul and the Resurrection,
pg 46, col. 76-77.
119.
See among others, Nemesius of
Emesa,
On the Nature of Man,
xxii.
St John
of Damascus,
On the Orthodox Faith,
12, pg
94,928BC.
120. See
Nemesius of Emesa,
On the Nature of Man,
III,
pg 40,597a.
121. See
St Athanasius,
Against the Heathen,
33.
122.
Against the Heathen,
33. Cf. Nemesius of Emesa,
On the Nature of Man,
111,pg 40,597a.
123. Against
the Heathen,
33.
124.
Topics of Natural and
Theological Science,
31-32 (The Philokalia, vol. 4).
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